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| Photo by Christian Lue on Unsplash |
Whether in
relation to the war in Ukraine, trade and European defense, or the latest
interference by JD Vance at the Munich Security Conference—where he essentially
staged a rally on behalf of Europe’s far-right and radical right in a blatant
act of political meddling—the message Europe has received time and again is
clear: the U.S. will do whatever it wants, regardless of the impact on its
allies.
A New
Direction for Trade
Given this
American stance, it is evident that Europe must develop alternative
partnerships. Europe cannot simply wait and hope that sanity returns to the
White House in 2028. It must prepare for a scenario in which it stands alone as
the last standard-bearer of liberal democracy and the international order.
To do this,
Europe must position itself on the global stage as an autonomous defender of
its geostrategic interests, independent of both the United States and China in
matters of trade and security, without falling into unnecessary subordination
or antagonism.
Europe
should strengthen its bilateral trade agreements with a diverse set of
partners, reinforcing existing agreements like the one with Japan, ratifying
the Mercosur agreement, and establishing new deals with other countries and
trade blocs.
Specifically
regarding Africa, Europe should pursue a Marshall Plan for the continent—not
only to counter China’s growing influence and fill the void left by an
increasingly disengaged United States but also to help curb migration flows
from the region.
A more
developed Africa benefits Europe from every possible perspective.
Strengthening
Defense and Sovereignty
On the
defense front, the war in Ukraine and Europe’s excessive reliance on the United
States for military security—while facing an aggressively imperialist
Russia—highlight the urgent need to invest in European defense.
Europe must
leverage all available tools to enhance its defense capabilities. A divided
continent will be incapable of asserting its strategic perspective or
sovereignty.
Europe must
deepen its federalist integration in the area of defense and seriously consider
the creation of a European army, as advocated by both Macron and Zelensky.
It should
also introduce “defense bonds” that would allow European nations to increase
military spending without compromising social expenditures. Russia and other
forces seeking to undermine our way of life would only benefit if, during a
period of economic hardship and inflation, we neglected our most vulnerable
citizens.
Such
conditions would create fertile ground for populism and authoritarianism—the
greatest threats to the European Union’s project of peace and prosperity.
Just as the
United States used “war bonds” to finance its war effort during World War II
without directly impacting the economy, the European Union can adopt “defense
bonds” to bolster its military strength without weakening its social safety
net.
The
Technological Race
With the
introduction of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and the AI Act,
Europe has established an innovative framework to guard against the harmful
effects of new technologies on society. However, it still lacks the necessary
investment plans to position itself competitively in the ongoing technological
race between China and the United States.
Europe’s
challenge will be to balance digital rights protections with technological
innovation. To achieve this, it must create a tech hub on par with Silicon
Valley, Shenzhen, or Bangalore.
This will
require increased investment in training professionals in information
technology and fostering talent retention in the sector.
Additionally,
Europe must protect its market by enforcing competition laws that prevent
unfair monopolistic advantages for companies like Google and Microsoft,
ensuring a free and fair market in the tech sector.
From
software and social media to artificial intelligence, Europe must aim to
compete on equal footing with the United States and China. A robust and
efficient investment strategy is essential for achieving this goal.
A Europe
of Reforms
Europe must
also take a firm stance in advocating for a more integrated and federalist
European policy. The bloc will only survive if it deepens interdependence and
cooperation among its member states.
Many of the
steps needed to achieve this will require Brussels and Strasbourg to adopt a
more assertive approach.
If
countries like Hungary continue to act as roadblocks and Trojan horses within
the EU, they should be penalized and, if necessary, expelled without
hesitation.
The
European Union has already proven, in the case of Brexit, that it can function
without a member that refuses to embrace integration. A similar mechanism, but
one focused on preserving European values, would prevent internal deadlocks
that paralyze the EU’s progress.
For this,
the creation of an automatic suspension and expulsion mechanism should be added
to the existing voluntary exit framework.
The Europe
of political stagnation must give way to a Europe of reforms—and this will only
happen through a firm stance against those who deliberately sabotage the
project while happily accepting European funds.
To make
this Europe of reforms a reality, the EU must abolish the veto power in the
European Council and grant the European Parliament full legislative authority.
Economic
policy reforms will also be essential.
In the
future, the EU will need a common economic policy that considers all its member
states, planned and executed by a European Finance Ministry. Just off the top
of my head, I can think of the perfect person for the job: Mario Draghi. The
man who pulled Europe out of the mud during the sovereign debt crisis as
president of the European Central Bank has the ideal profile to lead such an
institution.
This
appointment would depend on the European Council and would require a two-thirds
majority in the European Parliament—at least in its initial phase.
Europe
as a Global Power
It is easy
to think of the European Union today as weak and ineffective, but its ability
to overcome past crises—from the sovereign debt crisis to COVID—combined with
the eagerness of countries like Ukraine and Georgia to join, proves that the
bloc’s potential still far outweighs its challenges.
For nations
like Ukraine and Georgia, the EU represents a way to assert their sovereignty
in the face of Moscow’s aggression. And they are not wrong. Just look at
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania to understand their reasoning.
For these
nations, Europe remains a beacon of stability and democracy, and it must
continue to be one in the future.
Europe must
reinforce its strategic autonomy so that it can continue to uphold the values
of humanism, secularism, democracy, and prosperity. Delaying this process—as we
did during and after Trump’s first term—risks condemning Europe to irrelevance,
from which it may struggle to recover. Worse still, it risks relegating Europe
to a subordinate position in relation to the United States or China.
A Europe
Beyond the United States
It is
possible to envision—and build—a Europe that is not beholden to the United
States and its interests, while also avoiding becoming an easy target for China
or Russia. But we must recognize that this process must begin now, and that we
are already late in taking action.
We must
acknowledge that these reforms will not be easy and will spark difficult
debates. But they are indispensable—not just for Europe and its citizens, but
also for the broader defense of humanism and liberal democracy. In defense of
the European way of life.
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